Who suffers more from divorce: men or women? Because only characteristics that vary over time can enter the fixed-effects model, all time-constant variables drop out of the equation. Demography, 36, 195–203. Kühhirt, M. (2012). Both women and men fully recovered in subsequent years, leaving no gender differences. Social Forces, 81, 1459–1498. According to an article in the American Sociological Review, ‘The Effect of Marriage and Divorce on Women’s Economic Well-Being’, women do not completely recover from their financial loss due to divorce until they remarry. Although gender differences in the psychological consequences of divorce should not be ignored, economic inequities in postdivorce families are especially disconcerting because of their negative implications for the children, who typically live with their mothers (Weitzman, 1985). Third, to ensure a precise temporal identification of transitions to divorce, I removed respondents who were (1) divorced upon entering the panel (N = 2,557 individuals), (2) not observed in the year before they divorced (N = 151 individuals), or (3) entered divorce from a marital status other than married and living together (N = 250 individuals). Numerous studies have shown that the economic costs of divorce fall more heavily on women. Johnson, D. R., & Wu, J. For the divorce sample, this observation predates the separation of a union by at least 1 year (see the aforementioned sample selection criteria). New York, NY: Russel Sage Foundation. Women’s lower chances of repartnering (Wu and Schimmele 2005) and responsibilities as a single parent may further impede their path to economic recovery. These competing hypotheses are not explicitly gendered: their main arguments apply equally to men and women. Feijten, P. (2005). (1992). Family solidarity and health behaviors. Is divorce more painful when couples have children? Journal of Marriage and the Family, 61, 700–711. Moreover, divorce may increase the need for social contacts to compensate for the loss of a prime interaction partner and to get social support that helps in coping with the divorce process. Homeownership in later life—Does divorce matter? Developments in satisfaction-research. For the German setting of the present study, high levels of gender specialization and low levels of women’s labor force participation may contribute to these differences. Financially, sexually, and socially, all aspects of individuality change for both men and women. Since often times women have custody of the children, they are responsible for more of the household and family expenses than men. For both women and men, the chance of weekly visits to friends and neighbors declined somewhat before divorce, increased in the year of divorce, and reverted to predivorce levels thereafter. Explanations for these gender inequalities highlight four risk factors for women (Bröckel and Andress 2015; Holden and Smock 1991): (1) higher economic need and restricted earning capacities in the presence of children; (2) insufficient child maintenance; (3) disproportionate loss of income, which is often not fully compensated by spousal maintenance; and (4) human capital deficits resulting from gender specialization in the division of labor during marriage. Gender differences in children's developmental adjustment to divorce are influenced by pre and post divorce development processes, parent expectation and children's coping abilities. Figure 2 illustrates the consequences of divorce for housing and domestic outcomes. An important benefit of these data is the large array of subjective and objective outcome measures combined with an extensive window of observation, allowing me to assess short-term and medium-term consequences of divorce as well as gender differences therein. To accomplish this, I removed all postdivorce variance in both controls, holding both variables constant at their values observed in the year before divorce. This study presents a fuller picture, drawing on multiple measures of economic outcomes, housing and domestic outcomes, health and well-being outcomes, and social outcomes. Although many people who have divorced twice continue to marry again, the success rates are not in their favor. 1983). Although women recovered in subsequent years, their poverty risk remained above 25 % even several years after divorce. A second line of research has looked at changes in homeownership. A meta-analysis of parental satisfaction, adjustment, and conflict in joint custody and sole custody following divorce. Jeffery, R. W., & Rick, A. M. (2002). Second, a medium-term view on multiple outcomes showed more similarity than differences between women and men. 2013; Hazelrigg and Hardy 1999; Schwarze et al. I analyzed data from 32 waves (1984 until 2015) of the German Socio-Economic Panel Study (SOEP), one of the world’s largest and longest-running household panel studies. Figure 3 illustrates the consequences of divorce for six measures of health, health behaviors, and well-being. This large window of closely spaced observations allowed me to study gender differences across the divorce process. Bachman, J., O’Malley, P., Schulenberg, J., Johnson, K., Bryant, A., & Merline, A. Since then divorce rates declined in many countries. In Germany, taxation provides strong incentives to combine a breadwinner’s larger income with a homemaker’s smaller income, reinforcing a traditional division of labor during marriage (Cooke 2006). 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